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Campaign of United states presidential candidate

William McKinley for President
Entrada	U.S. presidential ballot, 1896
Candidate	William McKinley 39th Governor of Ohio (1892–1896) Garret Hobart President of the New Jersey Senate (1881–1882)
Affiliation	Republican Party
Status	Elected: November 3, 1896
Headquarters	Chicago, New York City
Fundamental people	Marking Hanna (entrada manager) Charles G. Dawes (responsible for disbursements)
Receipts	US$3,500,000 to $16,500,000 (estimated)[1]

In 1896, William McKinley was elected President of the Usa. McKinley, a Republican and former Governor of Ohio, defeated the joint Autonomous and Populist nominee, William Jennings Bryan, every bit well as minor-party candidates. McKinley's decisive victory in what is sometimes seen as a realigning election ended a menstruum of shut presidential contests, and ushered in an era of dominance for the Republican Party.

McKinley was born in 1843 in Niles, Ohio. After service as an Army officer in the Ceremonious War, he became a lawyer and settled in Canton, Ohio. In 1876 he was elected to Congress, and he remained there most of the time until 1890, when he was defeated for re-election in a gerrymandered commune. Past this time he was considered a probable presidential candidate, especially after being elected governor in 1891 and 1893. McKinley had incautiously co-signed the loans of a friend, and demands for repayment were made on him when his friend went broke in the Panic of 1893. Personal insolvency would take removed McKinley as a factor in the 1896 entrada, just he was rescued from this by businessmen who supported him, led by his friend and political manager, Marking Hanna. With that obstacle removed, Hanna congenital McKinley's campaign organisation through 1895 and 1896. McKinley refused to deal with the eastern bosses such as Thomas Platt and Matthew Quay, and they tried to block his nomination by encouraging state favorite son candidates to run and forbid McKinley from getting a majority of consul votes at the Republican National Convention, which might force him to make deals on political patronage. Their efforts were in vain, as the large, efficient McKinley organization swept him to a first election victory at the convention, with New Jersey's Garret Hobart as his running mate.

McKinley was a noted protectionist, and was confident of winning an election fought on that question. Just it was free silver that became the issue of the day, with Bryan capturing the Democratic nomination as a foe of the gold standard. Hanna raised millions for a campaign of education with trainloads of pamphlets to convince the voters that free silver would be harmful, and one time that had its effect, even more were printed on protectionism. McKinley stayed at habitation in Canton, running a front porch campaign and reaching millions through newspaper coverage of the speeches he gave to organized groups of people. This contrasted with Bryan, who toured the nation by runway in his entrada. Supported past the well-to-do, urban dwellers, and prosperous farmers, McKinley won a majority of the pop vote and an easy victory in the Balloter College. McKinley's systemized arroyo to gaining the presidency laid the groundwork for modern campaigns, and he forged an electoral coalition that would go along the Republicans in power nigh of the time until 1932.

Background [edit]

William McKinley was born in Niles, Ohio in 1843. He left college to work as a teacher, and enlisted in the Union Army when the American Civil War broke out in 1861. He served throughout the war, ending it equally a brevet major. Afterwards, he attended Albany Police force School in New York state, and was admitted to the bar in Ohio. He settled in County, Ohio; after practicing law in that location, he was elected to Congress in 1876, and except for short periods served there until 1891. In 1890 he was defeated for re-ballot, but he was elected governor the following yr, serving two 2-year terms.^[2]

In the latter part of the 19th century, Ohio was deemed a crucial battlefield country; taking its electoral votes was thought essential for a Republican to win the White House. I fashion of, hopefully, assuring victory there was to nominate a son of Ohio.^[3] Between 1865 and 1929, every Republican president who first gained his office by election (that is, rather than succeeding on the death of his predecessor) was born in Ohio.^[iv] Deadlocked Republican conventions in 1876, 1880, and 1888 turned to men built-in in Ohio, and in each case the nominee won the presidency. Thus, any successful Ohio Republican was a plausible president. One of McKinley's rivals among the Ohio contenders was Governor Joseph B. Foraker, but Foraker'south light dimmed when he was defeated for a 3rd two-yr term in 1889.^[five]

In that location were stiff factional conflicts within the Ohio Republican party; ane source of bitterness was the 1888 Republican National Convention. Ohio Republicans had endorsed the state's senior senator, John Sherman, for president. This was Sherman's 3rd attempt at the Republican nomination; among his supporters were Cleveland industrialist Mark Hanna, and Governor Foraker, whom Hanna had to that point strongly supported. Afterward repeated balloting, Sherman did not get close to the number of delegate votes needed to nominate, and when rumors swept the convention that the party's 1884 nominee, old Maine senator James 1000. Blaine, might enter the race, Foraker expressed willingness to support Blaine. This dealt a serious blow to Sherman's candidacy by showing division in his home state, and the nomination went to old Indiana senator Benjamin Harrison, who was Ohio-born and went on to be elected. McKinley had received some delegate votes, and his activity in refusing to consider a candidacy while pledged to support Sherman impressed Mark Hanna. The industrialist was outraged at Foraker and abandoned him. McKinley and Hanna shared similar political views, including back up for a tariff to protect and encourage American manufacture, and in the years post-obit 1888, Hanna became a potent supporter of McKinley.^[6]

Although McKinley did non run in 1892, the Duke Tobacco Company considered him a presidential possibility that year and issued a card for him.

Revenue from tariffs was then a major source of income for the federal government. At that place was no federal income taxation, and tariff debates were passionate;^[7] the 1888 presidential ballot had them equally a major issue.^[viii] Many Democrats supported a tariff for revenue simply—that is, the purpose of tariffs should be to finance government, non to encourage American manufacturers. McKinley disagreed with that and sponsored the McKinley Tariff of 1890. This act, passed by the Republican-dominated Congress, raised rates on imports to protect American manufacture. McKinley's tariff proved unpopular among many people who had to pay the increased prices, and was seen equally a reason not only for his defeat for re-election to Congress in 1890, but too for the Republicans losing control of both Firm and Senate in that year's midterm elections.^[9] Nevertheless, McKinley's defeat did non, in the end, impairment his political prospects, as the Democrats were blamed for gerrymandering him out of his seat.^[10]

Sometime between 1888 and 1890, McKinley decided to run for president, just to have a realistic chance of attaining that goal, he needed to regain role. Foraker'due south ambition then was the Senate—he planned to challenge Sherman in the legislative ballot to exist held in January 1892^[a]—and he agreed to nominate McKinley for governor at the state convention in Columbus.^[11] McKinley was elected, and Sherman narrowly turned dorsum Foraker'due south challenge with considerable assistance from Hanna.^[12]

Harrison had proven unpopular even in his own political party, and by the start of 1892, McKinley was talked about every bit a potential presidential candidate.^[xiii] McKinley'south name was non offered in nomination at the 1892 Republican National Convention, where he served as permanent chairman, only some delegates voted for him anyway, and he finished tertiary behind Harrison (who won a first election victory) and Blaine. Hanna had sought back up from delegates, but his and McKinley's strategy is uncertain, due to lack of surviving documents. According to Hanna biographer William T. Horner, "McKinley's beliefs at the convention supports the thought that he liked the attention just was not gear up for a entrada".^[14] According to McKinley biographer H. Wayne Morgan, many delegates "saw in [McKinley] their nominee for 1896".^[xv]

Gaining the nomination [edit]

Preparing for a run [edit]

"Pioneer Cleveland": Puck mag cartoon shows the Republicans post-obit the path of the gold standard which President Grover Cleveland (right) has blazed. McKinley, wearing a large black chapeau, walks behind Hanna (in red).

Harrison was defeated in the November 1892 ballot by former president Grover Cleveland, a Democrat, who returned to the White House in March 1893. President Harrison left function proclaiming the nation's prosperity, but in May, amid economic dubiousness that acquired many people to convert assets into gold, the stock market crashed, and many firms went broke. The depression that ensued became known equally the Panic of 1893.^[sixteen] Among those who became insolvent in 1893 was a McKinley friend, Robert Walker.^[17] McKinley had co-signed promissory notes for Walker, and thought the total to be $17,000. Walker had deceived McKinley, telling the governor that fresh loans were renewals of quondam ones, and the total indebtedness, for which McKinley had made himself liable, was over $130,000. That sum was across McKinley's means, and he planned to resign and earn the money as a lawyer.^[18] He was rescued by Hanna and other wealthy supporters, who raised the money to pay the loans.^[xix] According to McKinley biographer Kevin Phillips, the governor's backers "paid off the cosigned notes then that McKinley—by now, the probable next president—did non need to go back to practicing law".^[20]

The public sympathized with McKinley for his financial trouble,^[21] and he was hands re-elected every bit governor in late 1893.^[22] At that time, the United States, for all practical purposes, was on the gold standard. Many Democrats, and some Republicans, felt that the gilded standard limited economic growth, and supported bimetallism, making argent legal tender, as information technology had been until the passage of the Coinage Act of 1873. Doing then would likely be inflationary, permitting holders of silver to deposit bullion at the mints, and receive payment for nearly twice the silver'due south 1896 market value. Many farmers, faced with the long pass up in agricultural prices that persisted through the outset one-half of the 1890s, felt that bimetallism would aggrandize the money supply and make information technology easier to pay their debts.^[23] Cleveland was a house supporter of the gilded standard, and believed the massive amounts of silver-backed currency issued pursuant to the Sherman Silvery Purchase Human action of 1890 had helped crash the economy. In 1893 he forced through the act's repeal, outraging western Democrats such as Nebraska Congressman William Jennings Bryan.^[24] The Democratic Congress in 1894 passed the Wilson–Gorman Tariff, significantly lowering many rates from the McKinley Tariff of 1890.^[25] The economy did not improve in 1894, and other Cleveland actions, such as federal intervention to halt the Pullman strike, further split his party,^[26]

The 1894 election campaign saw the Democrats divided, and the electorate further split by the new People'due south Political party (or Populists), which had emerged from the agricultural discontent. There were more demands for McKinley to speak than he could possibly fulfill. Campaigning throughout the eastern half of the state on behalf of Republican candidates, and venturing even to New Orleans in the Democratic Solid Southward, McKinley spoke to large, enthusiastic crowds as often as 23 times in a day. According to his biographer Margaret Leech, "McKinley's fervor was irresistible to his audiences. He was better than a spellbinder. He was a vote-getter. The whirlwind campaign of the Governor of Ohio was a awareness of the autumn."^[27] The 1894 elections saw the Democrats suffer the greatest losses by a majority political party in congressional history, as the Republicans once again took control of both houses.^[28]

First modernistic main campaign [edit]

The outcome of the 1894 elections made it increasingly likely that a Republican would be the adjacent president. At the fourth dimension, the presidential nominating process started much afterward than information technology subsequently would, and McKinley, in quietly organizing his campaign with Hanna's help in the early months of 1895, was alone among the candidates in acting so early. Other potential Republican candidates were quondam president Harrison, incoming Speaker of the House Thomas Brackett Reed of Maine, Iowa Senator William B. Allison, and several land favorite sons, such as Illinois Senator Shelby Cullom. If quondam president Harrison entered the race, he would immediately become a major contender, and uncertainty over his status hung over the race in 1895.^[29] At the time, unless in that location was an incumbent elected Republican president, the nomination was more often than not not decided until the convention, with land political bosses and delegates exacting a cost for their back up. A candidate's efforts to gain the nomination did not begin until shortly before the state delegate conventions in the leap of the election yr, where fights over the makeup of the delegation often focused on who would be on information technology, rather than who delegates would support. McKinley and Hanna decided on a systematic nationwide endeavour to gain the nomination, employing what onetime presidential adviser Karl Rove—writer of a 2015 book on the 1896 race—called "the first modern primary campaign".^{[b] [30]}

To devote himself full-time to McKinley'southward presidential entrada, Hanna in 1895 turned over management of his companies to his brother Leonard, and rented a house in Thomasville, Georgia, expressing a dislike for Cleveland's winters. He was joined there past William and Ida McKinley in early 1895. The location was a plausibly nonpolitical vacation spot for McKinley, and as well permitted him to run into many southern Republicans, including blacks. Although southern Republicans rarely had local electoral success, they elected a substantial number of delegates to the national convention.^[31] McKinley and Hanna hosted many southern Republican leaders in Thomasville, subsidizing those who did non accept the money to come, and fabricated many converts. The governor too traveled in the South; in Savannah at the end of March 1895, he became the first presidential hopeful in American history to address an audience of blacks when he spoke at an African American church.^[32] By the time he left Thomasville, he had gained the back up of the majority of likely southern delegates;^[33] Platt wrote mournfully in his autobiography that Hanna "had the South practically solid before some of the states awakened".^[34]

In giving attention to national affairs, McKinley neglected his home front end in Ohio, and when the Republican land convention met in Zanesville in May 1895, information technology proved to exist controlled by the resurgent Foraker, who sought the Senate seat to be filled past the Ohio General Associates in Jan 1896. That convention endorsed McKinley for president and Foraker for Senate, and nominated Foraker supporters for state and party offices, including Asa Bushnell to succeed McKinley as governor.^[35] McKinley realized that information technology would be risky to accept a faction hostile to the presidential candidate within his home state, and sought an brotherhood, candidature for Bushnell and for a Republican legislature that would ship Foraker to Washington. The voters chose Bushnell and gave the state Republicans a large majority in the legislature. In January 1896, Foraker was overwhelmingly elected (to accept office in March 1897), and McKinley gained Foraker's agreement to support him for president, assuring party political peace at home.^[36]

Iowa Senator William B. Allison was a contender for the 1896 Republican presidential nomination.

During 1895, Hanna journeyed east to meet with the political bosses at that place, including Pennsylvania Senator Matthew Quay and Thomas C. Platt of New York. He returned to written report that the bosses were willing to assure McKinley's nomination in exchange for a pledge to requite them control over patronage in their states and a hope in writing that Platt would be Treasury Secretarial assistant. McKinley was unwilling to bargain, seeking a nomination without strings, and Hanna, though noting that this fabricated his chore much harder, undertook to get it. McKinley decided on a theme for his nomination campaign, "The People Confronting the Bosses".^[37] With Hanna's aid, McKinley found talented men to run the state organizations, who would in plough find locals to ensure McKinley triumphed at the series of conventions that would elect delegates to the June 1896 Republican convention in St. Louis. Notable among these appointments was Charles G. Dawes in Illinois, a young banker and entrepreneur who had recently moved to Chicago from Nebraska, where he had known Congressman Bryan. In trying to organize Illinois for McKinley, Dawes faced the enmity of the local Republican bosses, who preferred to take a delegation to St. Louis that would support Senator Cullom until the bosses fabricated the right bargain.^[38]

McKinley left office as governor in January 1896. In February, Harrison made it articulate that he would not seek a 3rd nomination. Hanna's operatives immediately organized Harrison's abode country of Indiana for McKinley with a haste that the former president privately found unseemly. By early on 1896, the Reed and Allison campaigns were beginning to form themselves, but they had little luck in Indiana. McKinley challenged his rivals everywhere except in states, such equally Iowa, that he deemed had serious candidates like Senator Allison. The favorite son candidacies of Minnesota Senator Cushman Thousand. Davis and former Nebraska senator Charles F. Manderson fell victim to the McKinley forces, well-financed by Hanna, who took their states away from them.^[39] McKinley was disliked by the American Protective Association, an anti-Catholic group angered that as governor he had appointed to office members of that organized religion. Their wide pamphleting caused Hanna to human action against falsehoods that his candidate was a Catholic.^[40]

According to historian Stanley Jones in his account of the 1896 entrada, "some other feature common to the Reed and Allison campaigns was their failure to make headway against the tide which was running toward McKinley. In fact, both campaigns from the moment they were launched were in retreat."^[41] In March and April 1896, state conventions in Ohio, Michigan, California, Indiana, and other states elected delegates to the national convention, instructed to vote for McKinley.^[34] In New England, McKinley fabricated inroads into Reed's regional support, as New Hampshire proclaimed no preference between the Speaker and McKinley, and the Vermont convention expressed support for McKinley.^[42] The Ohioan was non successful everywhere; Iowa remained loyally behind Allison, Morton won a majority of the New York delegation, and the bosses were successful in denying McKinley in New Mexico Territory and Oklahoma Territory.^[43] The competition was still undetermined going into the April 29 Illinois state convention, with the McKinley forces led past Dawes against the local bosses. McKinley gained about of Illinois' delegates, giving him a sizable lead, and influencing remaining land conventions to jump on his bandwagon.^[44]

McKinley remained well ahead when the state conventions ended, leaving his opponents' only promise the Republican National Committee (RNC), which would make initial rulings on which delegates would be seated; in that location were contested seats or rival delegations in several states, and rulings against McKinley could notwithstanding deprive him of a commencement-ballot bulk. When the RNC met in mid-June, just prior to the convention, McKinley was easily victorious in almost all cases.^[45]

Republican convention [edit]

The 1896 Republican National Convention convened at the Wigwam, a temporary structure in St. Louis, on June 16. With most credentials battles settled in McKinley's favor, the roll of delegates drawn up by the RNC heavily favored the Ohioan, though Reed, Allison, Morton and Quay remained in the race. The credentials report served as a test vote, which the McKinley forces won hands. Hanna, who was a delegate from Ohio, was in full control of the convention.^{[46] [47]}

Many westerners, including Republicans, were supporters of free silver. McKinley's advisors had anticipated there would be strong feelings near the currency question, and pressed the candidate for a decision on what the party platform should say on the subject. McKinley had hoped to avert this issue; his surrogates had presented him as firmly for the gold standard in the Eastward, where support for that policy was stiff. Western supporters, who often favored argent, were told he was sympathetic to the bimetallic cause. In the following years, several McKinley assembly, including publisher H. H. Kohlsaat and Wisconsin'south Henry C. Payne, took credit for including an explicit mention of the gold standard in the platform'south currency plank (for they deemed it vital to the Republican victory in November), but it was not inserted in the draft until Hanna consulted with McKinley by telephone. The silver Republicans from the W were led by Colorado Senator Henry G. Teller, who drafted a plank promoting free silver, only to come across it voted down in the drafting commission, and in the full Platform Committee.^[c] Teller was determined to have the total convention vote on his language, although it was sure he would lose as most Republican delegates favored the gold standard. The debate was held on June 18. Later on Teller's minority report was voted downward and the gilded plank adopted past an overwhelming bulk, 23 delegates, including Teller and his Senate colleagues Frank Cannon of Utah and Fred Dubois of Idaho, walked out of the convention and thus left the Republican Political party. Amid a tumultuous scene, an aroused Hanna was seen standing on a chair, shouting at the parting men, "Go! Go! Get!"^[48]

Although Platt desired a recess, Hanna refused, wanting the convention to consummate its work that day, and the delegates proceeded to the presidential nomination. McKinley had insisted that Foraker nominate him to demonstrate the unity of the Ohio Republican Party, and after some reluctance past the senator-elect, who feared blame if anything went wrong, Foraker agreed. McKinley was waiting with family unit and friends at his house in Canton, beingness kept up to date past telegraph and phone. He was able to heed to part of Foraker'south speech, and the tremendous reception that met information technology, over the phone line. McKinley was easily nominated on the first ballot, with Reed his nearest competitor. County erupted in celebration, with McKinley making spoken communication later oral communication to the townsfolk and to those who poured in that twenty-four hour period past rails from beyond Ohio, even from his birthplace of Niles.^[49]

This left the question of the vice presidential candidate. McKinley had offered the 2d place on the ticket to Reed, who had refused it. Platt wanted Morton, who had been vice president under Harrison; the New York governor did not want it, and McKinley did not want him. Information technology was usual at that time for major-political party tickets to have 1 candidate from Ohio or Indiana, and the other from New York, but with that country having supported Morton for the nomination, putting a New Yorker on the ticket would be an unmerited reward.^[l] RNC vice chairman Garret Hobart was from Paterson, New Jersey, near to New York City. He was a man of affairs, lawyer, and former state legislator, and was acceptable to Hanna and other Republican backers while existence popular among political party activists. Several days earlier the convention, McKinley chose him equally running mate, though no announcement was made.^[51] At the convention, Hobart expressed surprise in a letter to his wife,^[52] just his pick had been strongly rumored and buttons with his proper noun and McKinley's seen in St. Louis.^[50] Delegates ratified the selection of Hobart, nominating him on the first ballot.^[52]

Full general election entrada [edit]

Getting an opponent [edit]

In the days after the Republican convention, McKinley remained in County. Hanna had been elected chairman of the RNC during the convention; he established campaign headquarters in Chicago,^[d] in the electorally-crucial Midwest, appointed an executive committee and began to organize the campaign, which as chairman was his responsibleness. McKinley oversaw the activities of Hanna and other cardinal managers, and addressed delegations of workers who came to visit him. He met with Hobart, who came to Canton on a cursory visit on June 30, 1896, and who joined his running mate in speaking to a crowd of visitors. In his speeches, McKinley concentrated on tariffs, which he expected to dominate the entrada, and gave brusk shrift to the currency question.^[53] As McKinley awaited his opponent, he privately commented on the nationwide debate over silvery, stating to his Canton crony, Judge William R. Mean solar day, "This money matter is disproportionately prominent. In thirty days you won't hear annihilation almost it."^[54] The hereafter Secretarial assistant of State and Supreme Courtroom justice responded: "In my opinion in thirty days you lot won't hear of annihilation else."^[54]

At the time McKinley was nominated, it was not clear who his Democratic rival would be. Cleveland'due south opponents inside his political party had mobilized into an organized effort to take over the Democratic Party and pass a platform supporting free silver. The platform was deemed of highest priority, and only once that fight was won was a candidate for president to be considered. Despite this resolution, several Democrats sought the nomination, with the foremost beingness one-time Missouri representative Richard P. Banal and former Iowa governor Horace Boies. Others either seeking or spoken of for the nomination included South Carolina Senator Benjamin Tillman, Senator Joseph C. Blackburn of Kentucky, and sometime Nebraska representative William Jennings Bryan.^[55]

Dawes had known Bryan in Nebraska, and predicted that if the former congressman got to address the convention, he would use his skills as a speaker to stampede it to a nomination. McKinley and Hanna mocked Dawes, telling him that Bland would be the Democratic choice.^{[56] [57]} The 1896 Autonomous National Convention opened in Chicago on July 7, with the silverites in full control; they drafted a platform supporting free silver. The final speaker during the debate on the platform was former congressman Bryan, who with Dawes in the gallery delivered a speech decrying the gold standard that to Democrats, according to Phillips, was "messianic—a call to arms".^[57] Dawes deemed his friend'southward Cross of Gilt speech magnificent, though with "pitiably weak" logic, merely it won Bryan the presidential nomination, and Phillips noted that the accost "unnerved Midwestern Republicans, mindful of their own distrust of the East, and threw a weighty rock into the serenity puddle of June GOP electoral assumptions".^[57]

When journalist Murat Halstead telephoned McKinley from Chicago to inform him that Bryan would exist nominated, he responded dismissively and hung up the phone.^[58] Bryan's nomination briefly gratified the Republicans, believing that his selection would lead to an like shooting fish in a barrel victory for McKinley.^[59] In those days when the presidential campaign did not begin in earnest until September, Hanna had planned a vacation while McKinley anticipated a quiet summer. The Republicans were defenseless by surprise by the wave of enthusiasm that Bryan'south speech and nomination caused, and scuttled these plans; as Hanna wrote to McKinley on July 16, "the Chicago convention has changed everything".^[60]

Fundraising and organization [edit]

McKinley, (lower right) running his campaign from the library of his County home

Hanna speedily realized that the currency upshot struck an emotional chord in many Americans, and decided on a campaign to persuade the voter that "sound coin", the gold standard unless modified by international understanding, was much preferable to bimetallism. Such propaganda would not be cheap, as before the age of television and radio, the virtually effective way of reaching the electorate was through the written word, and through public speakers who would address meetings on behalf of the candidate. This would take money, and Hanna undertook to secure information technology from his corporate connections.^[61] Equally Hanna began his fundraising efforts in late July, the Populists met in St. Louis. Faced with splitting the silver vote, they chose to endorse Bryan, first their dissolution as a party.^[62]

Large sums had to exist spent quickly, and Hanna energetically built a businesslike campaign. Bryan's surge contributed to a sense of crunch that enabled Hanna to make peace in his party, eventually uniting all behind McKinley with the exception of some Silvery Republicans. But as the campaign began operations, and began them on a huge scale, money was curt.^[63] Hanna initially spent much of his fourth dimension in New York, where many financiers were based. He faced resistance at first, both considering he was not notwithstanding widely known on the national scene, and considering some moneymen, although appalled at the Democratic position on the currency upshot, felt Bryan was and so extreme that McKinley was sure to win. Others were disappointed New York Governor Morton was not the presidential nominee, but their support became warmer as they came to know McKinley and Hanna. Reports of Bryan support in the crucial Midwest, and intervention by Hanna's onetime schoolmate, John D. Rockefeller (his Standard Oil gave $250,000), made executives more willing to listen. Afterwards a gloomy August for the entrada'due south fundraising, in September, corporate moguls "opened their handbag strings to Hanna".^[64] J. P. Morgan gave $250,000. Dawes recorded an official figure for fundraising of $3,570,397.13, twice what the Republicans had raised in 1892, and as much every bit ten times what Bryan may have had to spend.^[65] Dawes' effigy did not include fundraising past country and local committees, nor in-kind donations such as railroad fare discounts, which were heavily subsidized for Republican political travelers, including the delegations going to see McKinley. Estimates of what Republicans may have raised in full accept ranged as loftier as $16.5 meg.^[66]

From his business firm on North Market place Street in Canton, McKinley ran his campaign, with telephone and telegraph at his disposal. Hanna was decorated coming together with executives to extract funds, and delegated much of the day-to-solar day policymaking to others, well-nigh prominently Dawes, who was a member of the campaign executive commission and was responsible for distributing much of the coin that Hanna raised. Payne was nominally in charge of the Chicago role, but Dawes, a member of the McKinley inner circle, had more influence. Pamphlets were sent from Chicago in carload lots across the land. The campaign spent about $500,000 on printing alone, which Stanley Jones, in his account of the 1896 campaign, estimated paid for hundreds of millions of pamphlets.^[67] The campaign paid for hundreds of speakers to stump on McKinley's behalf.^[68] Efforts were fabricated to keep expenses downward; Dawes insisted on competitive bidding,^[69] and nearly of his acme-level hires were business organisation associates, non political operatives. Others prominent in the Chicago role included Charles Dick, the secretarial assistant of the organization and later a senator.^[70]

Front porch campaign [edit]

We know what partial gratuitous trade has washed for the labor of the United States. Information technology has macerated its employment and earnings. We do not propose now to inaugurate a currency system that will cheat labor in its pay. The laboring men of this country whenever they give one twenty-four hour period'due south work to their employers, desire to be paid in full dollars good anywhere in the world ... We want in this land skillful work, proficient wages, and good money.

William McKinley, accost to a delegation of Pennsylvania ironworkers, September 19, 1896.^[71]

From the moment he was nominated, McKinley was beset by supporters coming to Canton to hail him, hoping to hear him give a political spoken communication. McKinley remained in Canton, available to the public every day but Sunday, continuously from his June nomination until Election Day in November, excepting one trip in July to requite previously arranged nonpolitical speeches in Cleveland and at Mount Wedlock College. He too took one weekend of rest in belatedly Baronial.^[72] The need to greet and speak to supporters made it difficult for McKinley to get entrada work done; one political lodge interrupted his conference with Hobart in tardily June. McKinley complained that his time was not being well managed.^[73]

Bryan's annunciation, after gaining the Democratic nomination, that he would undertake a nationwide tour past rail, something so unusual for presidential candidates, put pressure on McKinley to friction match him. Hanna specially urged his candidate to striking the road. McKinley decided against this, feeling that he could non outdo Bryan, who was a brilliant stump speaker, and that he would be foolish to endeavor. "I might as well put up a trapeze on my forepart lawn and compete against some professional person athlete every bit go out speaking confronting Bryan. I take to recall when I speak."^[74] Furthermore, no affair how McKinley traveled, Bryan would upstage him by choosing a less comfortable fashion. McKinley was unwilling to compete with Bryan on the Democrat'southward terms, and sought to notice his ain way to reach the people.^[75]

	Historic recording of William McKinley. The final one:08 of this sound file (starting at 5:twoscore) contains an extract from ane of his 1896 entrada speeches.
Problems playing this file? See media aid.

The front porch campaign that McKinley decided on was a natural extension of the pilgrimages to County by McKinley devotees that were already occurring. Afterwards a few initial stumbles, things settled into routine by mid-September. While whatever group could visit McKinley by writing in advance,^[75] his entrada arranged for many of them, and they came from towns small and large.^[76] If possible, the group's leader was brought to County in advance to confer with McKinley on what each would say; if not, the grouping would exist met at the Canton railroad station by a McKinley representative, who would discuss what would be said with the group's leader. In that location were parades every solar day in County that entrada flavour, every bit the groups marched through the bunting-draped streets, escorted past a mounted troop known as the McKinley Abode Guards, who saw to it that groups arrived at the McKinley residence on a prearranged schedule. There, the group leader would deliver his remarks, and McKinley would evangelize a reply oftentimes prepared in accelerate. Afterward, there might exist refreshments or the opportunity to shake hands with McKinley, before the delegation was escorted off for their return journey to the railroad station. If it rained, the meetings took place in one of several indoor venues.^[77]

A delegation at the front porch of Republican presidential candidate William McKinley in Canton, Ohio, October 1896; McKinley, simply correct of center, holds a acme hat.

William McKinley home, County, Ohio (published 1914)

Bicycling was the latest craze in the U.s. in 1896, and amongst those who came to salute McKinley was a brigade of bicyclists, who pulled images of McKinley and Hobart behind their vehicles, and performed tricks as they went to see their presidential candidate.^[78] The people of Canton joined in enthusiastically, and restaurants and souvenir venders expanded their operations. A popular source of keepsakes was the wood of McKinley'southward front porch or fence, whittled as supporters listened, and the blades of his backyard, when not trampled underfoot, fabricated subsequently appearances in scrapbooks. In between delegations, McKinley entertained visitors; future Secretarial assistant of State John Hay, a major backer, came to Canton reluctantly, not relishing the crowds, only wrote "he met me at the [railroad] station, gave me meat & took me upstairs and talked for 2 hours as calmly & serenely as if we were summer boarders in Bethlehem, at a loss for ways to impale time. I was more struck than e'er with his mask. It is a genuine Italian ecclesiastical face of the XVth Century."^[79]

With his entrada ill-financed, Bryan was his own greatest asset, and traveled to 27 of the 45 states, logging 18,000 miles (29,000 km), and in his estimated 600 speeches reached some 5,000,000 listeners.^[80] McKinley did not match those numbers, speaking 300 times to 750,000 visitors, but in remaining at abode, he avoided the fatigue of Bryan's exhausting tour. The Republican was better able to provide fresh material for the side by side day'south newspapers without making gaffes; Bryan fabricated several. According to R. Hal Williams in his book on the 1896 campaign, "The Front Porch Campaign was a remarkable success."^[81]

Issues and tactics [edit]

Bryan's nomination caused defections and divisions in the Republican party; many farmers in the Midwest, fifty-fifty in McKinley's Ohio, found the inflation it was expected gratis silver would cause to exist attractive, as it would go far easier to repay debts. Polls in battleground midwestern states, and word from activists there, showed that Bryan had made deep inroads into Republican support. One survey in August showed that of the midwestern states, only Wisconsin was safe for the Republicans.^[82]

William and Ida McKinley (to her husband'due south left) pose with members of the "Bloom Delegation" from Oil City, Pennsylvania, before the McKinley home. Although women could not vote in most states, they might influence male relatives and were encouraged to visit Canton.

Past early on in August, the McKinley campaign had decided upon a strategy: appeal to labor and established farmers.^[83] McKinley, on the urgent communication of his advisers, by the middle of that month had decided that the currency question must be addressed immediately, and the entrada machine began the process of generating millions of publications and sending hundreds of speakers into the field. The pamphlets contained quotes or articles from McKinley, members of Congress, and financial experts on why a bimetallic standard would exist ruinous to the land.^[84] Theodore Roosevelt, and so a member of the New York City Constabulary Commission, recalled seeing boxcars full of newspaper being dispatched when he visited the Chicago headquarters in August.^[85] For the benefit of those who did not read English language, in that location were pamphlets in French, Spanish, Portuguese, Yiddish, German, Smoothen, Norwegian, Italian, Danish, and Dutch. Pre-written articles were sent to periodicals, and the campaign paid for friendly newspapers to exist sent to thousands of citizens beyond the country for the duration.^[84] Five million families received McKinley campaign materials on a weekly ground.^[86] Amongst the surrogates sent out on McKinley'southward behalf was newspaper editor Warren G. Harding, paid to make speeches across Ohio. The time to come president made a positive impression and iii years later was elected to the Ohio State Senate, beginning his political rise.^[87]

On his forepart porch, McKinley urged sound money, though he never ceased to promote protectionism to back up American industry. Horner noted, "the campaign effectively linked both gold and protectionism with patriotism."^[88] McKinley felt that he could not campaign entirely on the money issue, every bit many midwestern Republicans who supported silverish considered protection the major issue of the campaign, and would stay with the party if it promoted tariffs.^[71] These bug were given different emphases sectionally: in the Due east and South, the money issue was stressed most strongly, while tariffs were given more attention in the Midwest. McKinley had little back up in the mining-dominated Rocky Mountain states, where fifty-fifty about Republicans were for silvery and Bryan. On the Pacific declension, where there was strong silver sentiment, just where McKinley had some hope of winning, the tariff was made the major issue.^[89]

McKinley soothed ruffled feathers of party bigwigs by postal service and in person. Though former president Harrison refused to tour, he gave a spoken communication in New York where he railed against free silvery, stating, "the get-go muddied errand that a muddied dollar does is to cheat the workingman".^[ninety] The public was closely following the campaign, and the Republican efforts had their event. In September, polls showed the midwestern states leaning Republican, though silver-supporting Iowa was still close.^[91] McKinley's running mate, Hobart, connected to expect after his police force do and business organization interests, and was apparently a major contributor to the Republican entrada. He helped to run the New York function, gave some speeches from his own forepart porch in Paterson, and in October went on a curt campaign bout of New Jersey, though he was a reluctant public speaker. Hobart was much stronger for the gold standard than was McKinley, and fabricated articulate his views in his speeches.^[92]

William Randolph Hearst's New York Periodical was hostile to McKinley throughout the entrada; prior to the Republican convention, Alfred Henry Lewis accused Hanna of acting on behalf of a syndicate, decision-making McKinley.^[93] During the general election entrada, the Democratic newspapers, especially the papers endemic past Hearst, attacked Hanna for his supposed role as McKinley's political master. These articles and cartoons take contributed to a lasting popular belief that McKinley was not his ain man, but that he was finer owned past the corporations, through Hanna. Homer Davenport'due south cartoons for the Hearst papers were especially effective in molding public opinion about Hanna, who was often depicted as "Dollar Marking", in a accommodate decorated with dollar signs (a term for which "dollar marker" was a common alternative). McKinley's 1893 personal fiscal crisis allowed him to exist convincingly depicted as a child, helpless in the hands of businessmen and their mere tool in the 1896 entrada.^[94] Hearst and the Journal gave $41,000 to Bryan'due south campaign, ane of the largest the Democrats received, but that amount was dwarfed by the sums raised by Hanna.^[95]

September saw Maine and Vermont get heavily Republican in their country elections, meaning the Northeast was likely safe for McKinley. Early in that calendar month, dissident Democrats, who favored the gold standard and President Cleveland'due south policies, formed the National Democratic Party, or Gold Democrats, meeting in Indianapolis. The nomination of Illinois Senator John Thou. Palmer for president and former Kentucky governor Simon Bolivar Buckner for vice president meant Bryan would have to overcome an electoral split in his party.^[96] Hanna applauded the pick, and predicted it would get large numbers of votes.^[97] There was no adventure Palmer would win the ballot, and Hanna saw to it that the Gold Democrats were aided with quietly-provided funds.^[96]

The Midwest was the crucial battleground, and both parties poured in their resources, with Bryan spending near of his time there, equally did Hanna. McKinley and Hanna began to sense that the inundation of materials and speakers on the argent question had had their effect in the Midwest. Dawes began to slow the flow of pamphlets confronting silver, and gear up loose a flood of textile favoring McKinley's tariff policies.^{[98] [99]} Events favored the Republicans: wheat prices rose considerably in the final weeks of the campaign, lessening the enthusiasm of farmers for free silver.^[100] The Democrats alleged that Republicans were coercing workers into voting for McKinley on threat of losing their jobs; Hanna denied it, and offered a reward for evidence, that was not claimed.^[101] To Bryan's outrage, Hanna chosen for a "Flag Twenty-four hour period" for the final Saturday, October 31, as the campaign once again sought to link support for McKinley to patriotism, a theme echoed by the candidate as he addressed his final delegations. Hundreds of thousands marched through the streets of the nation's cities in honor of the flag; New York Urban center saw its largest parade since 1865. Ballot twenty-four hours was November iii; on its eve Hanna and Dawes predicted overwhelming victory.^[100]

Election [edit]

Stanley Jones wrote of the 1896 campaign:

For the people it was a campaign of study and analysis, of exhortation and conviction—a entrada of search for economic and political truth. Pamphlets tumbled from the presses, to be snatched up eagerly, to exist read, reread, studied, debated, to become guides to economic thought and political action. They were printed and distributed by the million, enough to provide several copies for every man, woman, and child in the country; but the people clamored for more than. Favorite pamphlets became canis familiaris-eared, grimy, fell apart as their owners laboriously restudied their arguments and quoted from them in public and private argue.^[102]

Voters bandage their ballots on November 3, and that evening gathered in cities and around telegraph offices. In places similar New York, the results were projected by stereopticon onto the sides of paper buildings. The election was considered by many to exist the most crucial since 1860, and large numbers of voters followed the returns all nighttime. McKinley cast his election early, going with his brother Abner to the polling place, and met Hanna for luncheon. That evening, McKinley sat in his library every bit the returns came in by telegraph. Information technology was speedily credible that McKinley was leading, and by midnight he had pencilled the figure "241" on a pad, the number of electoral votes of states that were certain, enough for victory.^{[103] [104]} Hanna wired from Cleveland to Canton, "The feeling hither beggars description ... I will not attempt bulletins. You are elected to the highest function of the land past a people who ever loved and trusted you."^[105]

Map showing the results of the 1896 campaign, with electoral votes won noted; states won by McKinley are in cerise.

McKinley won the entire Northeast and Midwest, and broke into the border states to win Delaware, Maryland, Kentucky, and W Virginia. He won Due north Dakota, and came close in South Dakota, Kansas, and in Bryan'south Nebraska. McKinley was also successful in California and Oregon.^{[106] [107]} McKinley won with 7.1 million votes to Bryan's 6.5 million, 51% to 47%. The electoral vote was not as close: 271 for McKinley to 176 for Bryan.^[108] McKinley increased the Republican vote past 2,000,000 from Harrison'due south defeat in 1892, though Bryan besides increased the Democratic total.^[109]

Bryan had hoped to sweep the rural vote and make inroads on urban labor, just he was not successful. McKinley became the first Republican candidate to win in New York Urban center, and won in its rival city of Brooklyn as well. He lost only one city with a population of over 45,000 in the Midwest, and won many rural counties in crucial states. Although Bryan won all states south of Kentucky and from Texas east, McKinley won almost urban centers there.^[107]

Election twenty-four hours. Went after dinner to vote for Wm. McKinley

John A. Sanborn, farmer, Franklin, Nebraska. Diary entry for Nov 3, 1896.^[110]

Irish immigrants generally remained loyal to the Democratic Party, but McKinley's promises of audio money attracted German language-Americans who were appalled by Bryan's inflationary proposals. German language-Americans had long been Democratic; efforts by that political party to rebut McKinley, including circulating a statement by Bismarck in support of bimetallism, were ineffective. Many Catholics and recent immigrants favored McKinley because of the dislike the American Protective Association had for him.^[111]

Appraisal [edit]

External video
Interview with Karl Rove about The Triumph of William McKinley: Why the Ballot of 1896 Still Matters, Afterward Words, C-Bridge[112]

Karl Rove saw several reasons for McKinley'due south triumph. McKinley campaigned on big issues, the tariff and audio money. The candidate went afterwards Bryan's strongest upshot, silver, arguing that bimetallism would harm Americans and striking the working class hardest. McKinley's theme was that it was morally wrong to debase the currency; he linked his represent sound coin with the tariff and with patriotism, appealing to crucial voter blocs who gave McKinley the biggest victory in a presidential election since Grant in 1872. He reached out to immigrants and urban factory workers, recognizing their importance in a changing America. And to implement these strategies, McKinley, with Hanna'south aid, created a larger, more than organized campaign construction than had previously been seen in presidential campaigns.^[113]

Jones noted, "The Republican Party, under the skillful leadership of McKinley and Hanna, produced a combination of votes which gave information technology the victory in 1896 and which promised Republican ascendency for many years in the time to come."^[114] The 1896 presidential race is often considered a realigning election, when there is a major shift in voting patterns, upsetting the political remainder. McKinley was supported by middle-form and wealthy voters, urban laborers, and prosperous farmers; this coalition would keep the Republicans mostly in ability until the 1930s.^[115] McKinley's wooing of the Midwest would pay ample dividends in the years to come up, as it remained solidly Republican in virtually years until 1932.^[116]

Williams suggested that McKinley's campaign of teaching of the voter through speakers and literature brought him victory, but with a cost to the close identification between voters and the political parties that was typical in the 19th century. Voter turnout was almost 80 percent in 1896, well-nigh average for presidential elections in the late 19th century, merely then dropped substantially and remained at lower levels as voters, who once participated in rallies and torchlight processions for candidates, were distracted past radio and past professional person sports. Nevertheless, later campaigns tried to recapture the magic of 1896; Warren G. Harding conducted his own front end porch campaign in 1920, fifty-fifty borrowing the flagpole from McKinley'southward old front k.^[117]

William D. Harpine, studying McKinley's rhetoric during the front end porch entrada, argued that McKinley'southward campaign was in some ways ahead of its time, "even in the age of broadcasting, nigh candidates for nationwide office commence on a entrada bout. In 1896, long before the advent of broadcasting, McKinley accomplished the same purpose equally a modem candidate, and did so without making a campaign bout."^[118] The visits of the delegations to the McKinley home in Canton constituted a series of media events that McKinley used to go his speeches into the newspapers.^[118] In speaking from his front porch, McKinley was not principally addressing the delegations, simply the many Americans who would not visit Canton, and who would read the speeches in newspapers.^[119] Williams agreed, "the remarkable Front end Porch Campaign used mod technology to bring 750,000 visitors to his modest hometown and dispatched his bulletin nationwide."^[120]

Rove, while an advisor to Texas Governor George W. Bush-league during the 2000 election campaign, often spoke of the parallels he saw between McKinley and his 1896 campaign, and the 2000 election, going then far as to fax copies of books on McKinley. The media took the parallels further than Rove intended, making comparisons betwixt him and Hanna, hinting that Rove controlled Bush like it was said Hanna controlled McKinley.^[121] Williams also saw the lasting result of McKinley's 1896 campaign, "a new arroyo to campaigning, the educational or merchandising style, continues to mold campaigns today, as does McKinley's focus on message, Hanna'due south apply of money, and Dawes'due south reliance on efficiency and education ... more a century later, Americans and their political leaders tin can still acquire from the events of the 1890s, whose lessons echo down the years today."^[122]

Harpine saw McKinley'south personal touch every bit key to his successful race:

McKinley created the impression that he was, in the mode of pre-Civil War candidates, waiting casually at abode for the people to elect him. Withal, McKinley during the summertime of 1896 initiated a vigorous, carefully crafted entrada that employed all of the resources available to him to reach and persuade the national voting public ... There was something folksy about campaigning so casually from a modest, eye-class home. When the throngs of voters stepped off the train in County, they discovered that McKinley was to all appearances one of them. It was in big office this quality, the ability to project warm personality through these groups to the press, that led to the success of the Front Porch campaign.^[123]

Results [edit]

Electoral results

Presidential candidate	Political party	Home state	Pop vote		Electoral vote	Running mate
			Count	Per centum		Vice-presidential candidate	Home state	Electoral vote
William McKinley	Republican	Ohio	vii,108,480	51.03%	271	Garret A. Hobart	New Bailiwick of jersey	271
William Jennings Bryan	Democratic – People'southward	Nebraska	vi,509,052(a)	46.70%	176	Arthur Sewall(b)	Maine	149
						Thomas E. Watson(c)	Georgia	27
John M. Palmer	National Democratic	Illinois	133,537	0.96%	0	Simon Bolivar Buckner	Kentucky	0
Joshua Levering	Prohibition	Maryland	124,896	0.90%	0	Hale Johnson	Illinois	0
Charles Matchett	Socialist Labor	New York	36,359	0.26%	0	Matthew Maguire	New Jersey	0
Charles Eugene Bentley	National Prohibition	Nebraska	19,367	0.14%	0	James Southgate	Due north Carolina	0
Other			1,570	0.01%	—	Other		—
Total			xiii,936,957	100%	447			447
Needed to win					224			224

^(a) Includes 222,583 votes every bit the People'due south nominee.
^(b) Sewall was Bryan'south Democratic running mate.
^(c) Watson was Bryan'southward People'south running mate. ^[124]

Notes and references [edit]

Notes

1. ^ Until 1913, state legislatures elected senators.
2. ^ Although at the fourth dimension, no state conducted a primary election for president.
3. ^ Formally, the Commission on Resolutions, and chaired past Senator-elect Foraker.
4. ^ There was likewise a New York headquarters, run by McKinley's cousin William M. Osborne, forth with Hobart and Quay. It was responsible for sending literature to the Eastward and Southward, which were non expected to be of import in the election. Run across Rove, pp. 240–241, Connolly, p. 27, Jones, pp. 278–279, 295

References

1. ^ Horner, p. 169.
2. ^ Gould, Louis L. (February 2000). "McKinley, William". American National Biography . Retrieved December 18, 2015.
3. ^ Dean, p. 58.
4. ^ Rove, p. 7.
5. ^ Phillips, pp. 62–63.
6. ^ Rove, pp. 69–75.
7. ^ Rove, pp. 12–13.
8. ^ Horner, p. 194.
9. ^ Rove, pp. 107–108.
10. ^ Horner, p. 85.
11. ^ Rove, pp. 83–86.
12. ^ Horner, pp. 85–87.
13. ^ Morgan 1969, p. 125.
14. ^ Horner, pp. 95–96.
15. ^ Morgan 1969, pp. 126–127.
16. ^ Williams, pp. 24–27.
17. ^ Phillips, pp. 67–68.
18. ^ Morgan 1969, pp. 129–134.
19. ^ Horner, pp. 178–179.
20. ^ Phillips, p. 68.
21. ^ Leech, p. 60.
22. ^ Williams, p. 39.
23. ^ Jones, pp. 6–xiii.
24. ^ Williams, pp. 27–35.
25. ^ Jones, p. 46.
26. ^ Rove, pp. 141–144.
27. ^ Leech, pp. 60–62.
28. ^ Williams, pp. 42–43.
29. ^ Jones, pp. 99–101.
30. ^ Rove, pp. 108–110.
31. ^ Croly, pp. 173–176.
32. ^ Rove, pp. 110–115.
33. ^ Horner, p. 142.
34. ^ ^{a b} Williams, p. 57.
35. ^ Walters, pp. 107–109.
36. ^ Jones, p. 109.
37. ^ Horner, pp. 134–135.
38. ^ Rove, pp. 116–121.
39. ^ Jones, pp. 114–118.
40. ^ Leech, pp. 76–77.
41. ^ Jones, p. 103.
42. ^ Jones, pp. 145–147.
43. ^ Rove, pp. 163–166.
44. ^ Horner, pp. 158–159.
45. ^ Rove, pp. 215–221.
46. ^ Rove, pp. 227–233.
47. ^ Jones, p. 161.
48. ^ Jones, pp. 162–173.
49. ^ Leech, pp. 81–83.
50. ^ ^{a b} Croly, p. 191.
51. ^ Jones, pp. 175–176.
52. ^ ^{a b} Hatfield, p. 290.
53. ^ Rove, pp. 240–242.
54. ^ ^{a b} Rhodes, p. nineteen.
55. ^ Rove, pp. 248–252.
56. ^ Coletta, pp. 119–120.
57. ^ ^{a b c} Phillips, p. 74.
58. ^ Coletta, p. 143.
59. ^ Horner, pp. 179–180.
60. ^ Williams, p. 129.
61. ^ Horner, pp. 187–188.
62. ^ Jones, pp. 244, 262.
63. ^ Morgan 1969, pp. 508–509.
64. ^ Horner, pp. 186–191, 210.
65. ^ Williams, pp. 136–137.
66. ^ Horner, pp. 193–200.
67. ^ Jones, pp. 276–279.
68. ^ Morgan 1969, pp. 516–517.
69. ^ Jones, p. 279.
70. ^ Williams, p. 194.
71. ^ ^{a b} Jones, p. 287.
72. ^ Leech, p. 87.
73. ^ Rove, pp. 244–245.
74. ^ Williams, pp. 130–131.
75. ^ ^{a b} Williams, p. 131.
76. ^ Jones, p. 283.
77. ^ Rove, pp. 311–315.
78. ^ Horner, pp. 208–209.
79. ^ Taliaferro, p. 307.
80. ^ Morgan 1969, pp. 515–516.
81. ^ Williams, p. 134.
82. ^ Williams, pp. 129–130.
83. ^ Morgan 1969, p. 508.
84. ^ ^{a b} Horner, p. 202.
85. ^ Rove, pp. 313–314.
86. ^ Morgan 1969, p. 509.
87. ^ Dean, p. 23.
88. ^ Horner, p. 204.
89. ^ Jones, pp. 281–288.
90. ^ Morgan 1969, p. 510.
91. ^ Phillips, p. 75.
92. ^ Connolly, pp. 26–27.
93. ^ Jones, p. 177.
94. ^ Horner, p. 127.
95. ^ Williams, pp. 97–98.
96. ^ ^{a b} Williams, pp. 120–122.
97. ^ Rove, pp. 318–319.
98. ^ Williams, pp. 141–142.
99. ^ Rove, pp. 331–332.
100. ^ ^{a b} Williams, pp. 142–145.
101. ^ Rove, pp. 349–351.
102. ^ Jones, p. 332.
103. ^ Morgan 1969, pp. 520–521.
104. ^ Williams, pp. 147–149.
105. ^ Morgan 2003, pp. 185–186.
106. ^ Morgan 1969, p. 521.
107. ^ ^{a b} Williams, pp. 151–153.
108. ^ Morgan 1969, p. 522.
109. ^ Jones, pp. 243–244.
110. ^ Williams, p. 149.
111. ^ Jones, pp. 345–346.
112. ^ "After Words with Karl Rove". C-Span. January 2, 2016. Archived from the original on 22 March 2016.
113. ^ Rove, pp. 365–369.
114. ^ Jones, p. 346.
115. ^ Williams, pp. xi, 152–153.
116. ^ Jones, pp. 347–348.
117. ^ Williams, pp. 168–170.
118. ^ ^{a b} Harpine, p. 74.
119. ^ Harpine, p. 85.
120. ^ Williams, pp. 170–171.
121. ^ Horner, pp. 1–iii.
122. ^ Williams, p. 171.
123. ^ Harpine, p. 87.
124. ^ Source: National Athenaeum, Usa Election Atlas

Bibliography

Books

• Coletta, Paulo E. (1964). William Jennings Bryan: Political Evangelist, 1860–1908 . Lincoln, NE: Academy of Nebraska Press. ISBN978-0-8032-0022-7.
• Croly, Herbert (1912). Marcus Alonzo Hanna: His Life and Work. New York: The Macmillan Visitor. OCLC 715683. Retrieved March fourteen, 2012.
• Dean, John W. (2004). Warren Harding (Kindle ed.). Henry Holt and Co. ISBN978-0-8050-6956-three.
• Hatfield, Mark O. (1997). Vice Presidents of the Usa, 1789–1993 (PDF). Washington, DC: United States Government Printing Office. ISBN978-0-7567-0968-half dozen.
• Horner, William T. (2010). Ohio'south Kingmaker: Marking Hanna, Man and Myth. Athens, OH: Ohio Academy Press. ISBN978-0-8214-1894-ix.
• Jones, Stanley L. (1964). The Presidential Election of 1896 . Madison, WI: University of Wisconsin Press. OCLC 445683.
• Leech, Margaret (1959). In the Days of McKinley . New York: Harper and Brothers. OCLC 456809.
• Morgan, H. Wayne (1969). From Hayes to McKinley: National Party Politics, 1877–1896. Syracuse, NY: Syracuse University Press. ISBN978-0-8156-2136-2.
• Morgan, H. Wayne (2003). William McKinley and His America (revised ed.). Kent, Ohio: The Kent State Academy Press. ISBN978-0-87338-765-1.
• Phillips, Kevin (2003). William McKinley. New York: Times Books. ISBN978-0-8050-6953-two.
• Rhodes, James Ford (1922). The McKinley and Roosevelt Administrations, 1897–1909. New York: The Macmillan Company. OCLC 457006.
• Rove, Karl (2015). The Triumph of William McKinley: Why the Election of 1896 However Matters. New York: Simon & Schuster. ISBN978-1-4767-5295-2.
• Taliaferro, John (2013). All the Bully Prizes: The Life of John Hay, from Lincoln to Roosevelt (Kindle ed.). Simon & Schuster. ISBN978-one-4165-9741-4.
• Walters, Everett (1948). Joseph Benson Foraker: An Uncompromising Republican. Columbus, OH: The Ohio History Press. OCLC 477641.
• Williams, R. Hal (2010). Realigning America: McKinley, Bryan and the Remarkable Ballot of 1896. Lawrence, KS: University Press of Kansas. ISBN978-0-7006-1721-0.

Journals

• Connolly, Michael J. (2010). "'I Brand Politics My Recreation': Vice President Garret A. Hobart and Nineteenth Century Republican Concern Politics". New Jersey History. 125 (1): 20–39. doi:10.14713/njh.v125i1.1019.
• Harpine, William D. (Summer 2000). "Playing to the Printing in McKinley's Front Porch Campaign: The Early Weeks of a Nineteenth-Century Pseudo-Event". Rhetorical Studies Quarterly. 30 (iii): 73–90. doi:10.1080/02773940009391183. JSTOR 3886055. S2CID 143880262.

Source: https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/William_McKinley_1896_presidential_campaign

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